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Mister Karangwa Chrysologue

President of the National Electoral Commission of the Republic of Rwanda

Kigali BP 6449

Tel. 00 250 501136 / 515080/81/82 - Fax 00250 501045

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SUBJECT: About the ineligibility of Paul Kagame as presidential candidate.

Mister President,

It is our duty of both Rwandan citizen and president of the Partnership-Intwari-Imanzi, to feel compelled to comment for the people of Rwanda why Paul Kagame is a criminal and an outlaw that can’t stand for the Rwandan presidential elections. Thus, it behoves us to inform you, as part of your function and your duties as president of the National Electoral Commission, that admitting the nomination of Paul Kagame in the presidential elections of August 2010 constitutes a flagrant violation of International Right, of the Constitution and of other laws governing the Republic of Rwanda. This is the subject of the following pages.


At the time of the announcement of presidential elections for August 2010, the Partnership-Intwari-Imanzi (Partenariat-Intwari-Imanzi) says that Paul Kagame does not meet the legal requirements to stand as presidential candidate for our country.

A synoptic view of crimes against humanity, including genocide and war crimes with serious indications of guilt, whose records are already established against him and others, gives a sufficient demonstration of that.

Similarly, credible and well documented records show that Kagame has already crossed the threshold level of tolerable infringement of constitutional law and other laws governing the Republic of Rwanda.

To make our proof more readable, we will present it in two parts.

The first part will give a synoptic view of major criminal cases, already established against Kagame and his entourage. Accordingly, we will show how Kagame continues to seek to place himself under the umbrella of presidential immunity in order to avoid the ultimate judgment.

In the second part we will show, in order to justify his ineligibility for bidding the highest office in the country, how Kagame became an outlaw by breaking off all kinds and all forms of national and international laws.



Since 1990, Paul Kagame, the real strong man of the RPF-Inkotanyi, continuously ordered mass killings throughout the country, kidnapping of persons, making their bodies vanish, and targeted political assassinations.

Today, under the cover of Traditional Gacaca courts, he continues to devastate thousands of innocent people through arbitrary prison sentences, with jails that are death houses, or through his new method of planned impoverishment of a great part of the population.

      1. The facts.

Humanly speaking, crimes against humanity, sponsored by Kagame, are more than horrible. Like many others, the following documents confirm their veracity.

  • The document addressed to the UNO by Major Alphonse Furuma.

In the document he sent on December 24, 2004, to Kofi Annan, and then UN General Secretary, Major Alphonse Furuma, in his quality of vice president of the National Convention-Ubumwe, calls them “unspeakable”1. In this case, he synthetically presents a non exhaustive series of crimes against humanity, sponsored by Kagame since 1991.

  • He begins by referring to the systematic killing of French-speaking Hutus and Tutsis, between October 1990 and December 1994, particularly in the Nakivale RPA training camps in Uganda, and also in Gishoro, Karama and Gabiro.

  • Furuma continues by concisely revealing systematic massacres, executed on the orders of Kagame, in Muvumba, Ngarama, Bwisige, Kiyombe, Mukarange, Cyumba, Kibali, Kivuye, Cyungo, as well as in Kinigi, Butaro, Cyeru, and Nyamugari. He explains how Kagame ordered the use of 120 mm mortars, 107 mm and 122 mm rocket launchers, and various machine guns, in order to decimate populations in the refugee camps of Muvumba, Kisaro, Buyoga as well as the populations of cities like Byumba and Ruhengeri in 1992.

  • He brings to light how, at the beginning of talks in Arusha in 1992; Kagame began a deliberate policy for creating a Tutsiland, decimating displaced populations to occupy their properties in the North-East, East, South and Central Rwanda. This terrifying politics, he said, has been implemented in 1993, 1994 and 1995.

  • He noted that the RPA, under Kagame's command, was obliged to execute all the prisoners of war, excepted those who were chosen to be presented to journalists for a future exchange of prisoners under the Arusha Accords. He regrets how, during the offensive in February 1993 on the whole Northern part of the country, hundreds of Hutus were executed at blank range point. He said that, in Ngarama only, about 134 people were killed and incinerated collectively. Through this document, he further notes some heinous acts, that were, as always, sponsored by Kagame:

  • From 1992 to 1994, senior political and military officers have been infiltrated inside the governmental zone in order to conduct terrorist actions, especially in urban areas. As of December 28, 1993, several people have been trained by the RPA battalion installed at the CND building. Weapons have been distributed and a campaign of urban terrorism has been launched against civilians who were targeted in Kigali. This terrorist group of Kagame, especially targeted famous politicians, including President Juvenal Habyarimana, Minister Félicien Gatabazi Gapysi Emmanuel, Martin Bucyana etc… The assassination of Juvenal Habyarimana had been previously programmed without success between January and April 1994 during the ceremony of swearing in of the Broad Base Transitional Government (BBTG) in the CND building.

  • Massacres and acts of genocide were launched across the whole country. All the RPA units received Kagame’s orders to kill all the Hutus to be seen for several months, and, consequently RPA soldiers killed as much as they could.

  • The killing of at least seven priests on April 21, 1994 at the Petit Séminaire de Rwesero, where they had sought refuge.

  • The killing of three bishops, several priests and religious on June 5, 1994 at Kabgayi.

  • Killings in Gitarama prefecture, especially in the municipalities of Masango, Mukingi, Mushubati and Tambwe. In the commune of Masango in June 1994, about 500 innocent people were slaughtered, and their bodies collected and incinerated.

  • Mass executions in Butare prefecture, occurred, for example, in Save, Ku ka Butare, in the arboretum of the university, in Icyizi cya Maraba, etc.

  • The massacre of internally displaced persons [IDP] and those moving back into their communes. This situation is illustrated by the horrific case of Kibeho, where at least 8,000 people were massacred under the coordination of Ibingira, Kagame's special envoy in this macabre mission.

  • Since 1990, the dreaded Directorate of Military Intelligence [DMI], under the direct orders of Kagame, tortured, murdered and cremated in mass tens of thousands of Hutus in centres built for this purpose throughout the territory of Rwanda.

One of the most notorious of these incineration camps has been installed in the premises of the chief town of the Kinyami municipality, where thousands of innocent Hutu civilians were killed and incinerated during the period April-July 1994. Other bodies were exhumed in 1997 by the military and were burnt with petrol and acid in the National Kagera Park.

Most Kinyami victims were leaders and / or Hutu intellectuals, removed here and there in the communes of Bwisige, Kibali, Kinyami, Muhura, Rutare and Giti. Having been a witness and having expressed his disapproval of such despicable acts, MP Burakari Evariste has paid with his own blood.

  • Since mid April 1994, the Gabiro army camp became a Hutu Killing Ground. At each security crisis, thousands of Hutus from urban areas and the entire North-Eastern and Eastern region, have been arrested and transported to the Gabiro military camp in order to be massacred and incinerated. In this camp, there were specialized killers and appropriate incinerators.

  • Between 1996 and 2000, high intensity massacres decimated the populations of Gisenyi and Ruhengeri prefectures. The horrific killings of Rwaza, Nyakinama, Kinigi, Mukamira, Nkamira, Rwerere and Kanama, etc…, have carried of several dozens of Hutu, Bagogwe Tutsi, and Congolese citizens. Similarly, several officers, NCOs, corporals, soldiers of the ex-FAR and all the members of their families have been exterminated.

  • The numerous killings of expatriates suspected to have witnessed mass executions by the RPF / RPA. For example, the Spanish White Father Vallmojo has been killed in Nyinawimana in April 1994, and Father Claude Simard, from Canada, on October 17, 1994. British nationals and one Cambodian, both observers of the UNHCR were killed on January 4, 1997. Three Spanish employees of Médecins du Monde were executed on January 18, 1997. Father Guy Pinard, from Canada, has been killed on February 2, 1997. Fathers, the Croatian Curick Vjechoslav, and the Canadian Duchamp were murdered in Kigali in 1998.

  • Also sponsored by Kagame, massacres of innocent civilians in the DRC between 1996 and 2000 decimated around six million innocent people, Congolese and Rwandan all together. For information, more than 300,000 Hutu refugees were massacred during the sole period from August 1996 to May 1997. These mass killings took place as early as the beginning of the invasion of the DRC in August 1996, during the destruction of Rwandan Hutu refugee camps, and continued even to the border between DRC and Congo Brazzaville, via Walikale, Tingi-Tingi, Shabunda, Ubundu, Kisangani, Mbandaka and Wendji, on May 13, 1997.

  • As always, under the strict guidelines of Kagame, assassinations, disappearances and unlawful detentions of prominent politicians in Rwanda. The Minister Seth Sendashonga and Colonel Théoneste Lizinde were murdered in exile in Nairobi. Asiel Kabera, Colonel Ngoga, Majors Rutaysire Wilson, Alex Ruzindana, Birasa and Mr. Gratien Munyarubuga have been murdered on the instructions of Kagame. The same fate happened with the regretted Lieutenant Colonel Cyiza, MP Dr Hitimana and Sergeant Major Musayidizi. For dark motives, Kagame ordered the detention of President Pasteur Bizimungu, Minister Charles Ntakirutinka, colonels Biseruka Stanislas, Bangamwabo, Karegeya, the businessman Alfred Kalisa, and more recently of generals Kayumba Nyamwasa, Charles Muhire and Karenzi Karake, and also of several senior civil and military officials.

  • Paul Kagame has been found responsible for three clashes that happened between the Ugandan army and the Rwandan army in Kisangani, which have caused the death of thousands of innocent Congolese civilians and the destruction of numerous infrastructures.

  • Memorandum addressed to the UNO by General Emmanuel Habyarimana

In the memorandum addressed in February 2008 to the Secretary General of the United Nations by General Emmanuel Habyarimana2, Chairman of the Partnership-Intwari-Imanzi, "the cell of documentation and security" has established, with supporting evidence, the same damning facts against President Paul Kagame as those already highlighted in the document sent to the UN by Furuma.

The document comes back on items of geopolitics of power in the African Great Lakes Region (AGLR). It identifies the causes, the actors in attendance, their intentions and the horrible consequences of the conflicts that ravage the region since the 1980s. Mentioning evidence, the Cell points out the responsibilities of each actor in crimes against humanity and war crimes, which bereaved and continue to devastate the AGLR.

Following the facts and damning evidence, the Cell identified the major responsibilities that weigh on Paul Kagame, concerning the gruesome crimes that continue to decimate the innocent civilians in Uganda, Rwanda, DRC, etc…

The paper argues for an objective and impartial justice about the Rwandan genocide and its consequences.

The responsibilities of Paul Kagame are based on criminal and / or terrorist meetings he has continuously leaded. They stem from his almost criminal orders he gave to decimate certain categories of innocent civilians in Rwanda and throughout the AGLR, to massacre the bishops, pastors, priests, religious, political leaders, expatriates, etc… The horrible responsibility of Paul Kagame is illustrated by some cases, within several others.

  • The elimination of Juvenal Habyarimana and the extermination of Hutu have always constituted a veritable obsession of Paul Kagame. Kagame has always considered the Hutu as being "regional enemies" and their assumed leader Juvenal Habyarimana as being a major obstacle to the designs of the war, considered as a regional liberation. A highly confidential document describes the situation in these terms: " President YK Museveni accepts all reports and plans. Before War starts J. Habyarimana should be killed as this will act as an immediate sparking force to the political disorder. More alternatives provided to accomplish assassination mission". "First Battalion of Lubiri Army Barracks under Capt. Kiyinyi will have to lead the assault on Rwandese territory with special artillery and gunships. No opposite tribe (Hutu) should be left on ground have as this should be highly maintained. Hutus are regional enemies as expressed by liberation leader Y.K. Museveni under special agreements refer to Rwagitura meet enhanced by Major Paul Kagame, strictly special techniques to be embarked on in order not to attract international attention»3.

  • Subsequently, terrorist meetings were held on assassination of President Habyarimana and countless assassination attempts on his life failed. This is the case of the attempted murder in Murambi, Byumba prefecture. In a mission report about this failed attempt, the PPU, NRA, ESO and ISO officers indicated that Habyarimana luckily escaped a direct shooting, during his pleasure trip to Murambi.

However, once the file placed under the full responsibility of Paul Kagame, another plan of attack against Habyarimana has been immediately developed. The plan involved the presence of the President of Rwanda at the Arusha International Conference Centre (AICC). It was therefore mandatory to invite him.
On the eve of the meeting in Arusha, to which the Rwandan president was invited unless the agenda had been made clear to him, a band of highly-trained Ugandan officers joined Tanzania intelligence officers. This group of officers included, among others, Majors Kiiza Amos, Paul Kagame, Bataingana and many others. They had to collaborate about a technique of insertion of time bombs on the presidential plane, after it had landed at the Kilimanjaro International Airport.

Against all odds, Nyerere has maintained his objections against this choice that had been made by Museveni and Kagame. Nyerere even launched to them a warning against the exorbitant cost of the destruction that could, moreover, cause serious collateral damages. In conclusion, Eriya Kategaya finally opted for specific actions in the territory of Rwanda4.

    • After having set the Kigali regime against its opponents, accused, rightly or wrongly, of complicity with the foreign enemy, RPF unsuccessfully tried to incite Hutus to make a civil war between them, including by performing assassinations of political leaders like Félicien Gatabazi (executive secretary of the PSD Party), Gapyisi Emmanuel (a leading member of the MDR, and founder of "Peace and Democracy Forum”), Martin Bucyana (CDR president) and many others. In his often successful attempts to cover his misdeeds, by pointing out their responsibility onto his opponents, RPF has used an aggressive media campaign of misinformation, intoxication and sabotage.

In this way, the assassination of Burundi President Melchior Ndadaye, a democratically elected Hutu and an observer to the peace negotiations between Kigali and the RPF, will not, at least on short term, have any influence on events, as Museveni and Kagame had expected. President of the Front for Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU), which he founded in 1986 and which had been recognized as a political party in 1992, Melchior Ndandaye had survived a series of assassination attempts before being sworn in as President of Burundi, on July 10, 1993. In this respect, we can speak over the failed coup of July 3, 1993. The planning of the murder dates back to the time when he was President of FRODEBU. After his assassination, this party will be chaired by Sylvestre Ntibantunganya (1993-1995), and Jean Minani (1995-2006), respectively.
The assassination of President Ndadaye will finally be successful with the indescribable barbarity that occurred on October 21, 1993. This murder was planned in detail during the meeting of March 13, 1992, held in the presidential palace in Kampala. At this meeting, which was neither the first nor the last of its kind, attended among others: Paul Kagame of Rwanda, Burundians Busokoza (major) and Paul Kamana (LT), and Ugandans Kahinda Otaffire, Karate and Mwesigye. We must especially note the attendance at this meeting of three great British personalities: Baroness Linda Chalker, Tiny Rowlands, and Margaret Thatcher, who were accompanied by other officials of the London society.
During this meeting, Museveni and Kagame have justified both the motive for their crime and their strategy by stating that "'[...]
if not to finish Burundi let us finish Ndadaye. President Melchior Ndadaye whoseelection took into power could not temporarily end 31 years of Tutsi military rule in Burundi butcould be a warning alarm on Rwanda and Uganda»5.

This cowardly and brutal murder, that occurred nearly one hundred days after the accession to power of Ndadaye and two months after the signing of the Arusha Agreements for Rwanda, has been recorded by both Ugandan and RPF intelligence services, in extremely sadistic terms: “Results : successful as put early by Museveni and Kagame!”. The assassinated president had been one of the most active observers during the Arusha negotiations and one of the thousands of “sacrifices necessary to the fertile chaos” that the Ugandan aggression constantly supplied, since 19906.

    • Given both several failed assassination attempts against President Habyarimana inside Rwanda, and the threat of a more and more consistent sacred union between the opposition and the presidential party, a situation which would have isolated RPF, Kagame and his allies were obliged to organize an "improvised" summit in Tanzania. This summit aimed at nothing other than to trap the President of Rwanda, by confirming the exact time of his return to Rwanda in order to destroy his aircraft with long range missiles. These missiles had been imported from the former USSR by Uganda, wherefrom then they were fraudulently entered into Rwanda with the complicity of UNAMIR and the blessing of both the United States and United Kingdom.

Three days before the Dar es Salaam summit, a meeting has been held at the Mwenge military camp, a few miles from downtown Dar es Salaam, focusing on the final preparations for the assassination of President Habyarimana. At the same time, elements of both RPF and UNAMIR, responsible for shooting down the presidential plane, completed their training with missile launchers in Naguru, Northern Uganda. Their instructors were of course Russians, because the missiles were Soviet-made. Russians perfectly knew the missiles, of which they were also the direct sellers to Uganda.

According to the investigation performed by Judge Jean-Louis Bruguière, the Russian Military Prosecutor confirmed to him that the two missiles, the references of which had been identified by Augustine Munyaneza, “were part of an order for 40 SA 16 IGLA missiles, delivered to Uganda as part of a State to State market.

Among the conclusions of the last meeting of the plot organized against the President of Rwanda, we note the development of strategies to manipulate international opinion about the perpetrators of the terrorist attack. Besides the mass media manipulated to converge responsibility for the attack on the camp of the Hutu extremists, President Nyerere, among others, has been appointed during the meeting to deceive public opinion. Concerning Museveni and Kagame, they had previously, through propaganda inciting hatred and extermination of the Tutsi, prepared the minds to the outburst of violence that the attack would not fail to trigger7.

    • The strategy of tension, by instigating violence, has been a formidable weapon. We see fairly well that intentional incitement to hatred against the Tutsi and their eventual death by Hutu radicals, obeyed to a strategy of exploiting the frustrations of the Hutu against the increasing actual risk of conquest of power by the RPF (thus by the Tutsi) and by the force of arms. This historical precedent has been carefully planned by the Museveni-Kagame duo, in order to root out any risk of democratization in Rwanda.

Ultimately, like for the Tutsi, the Hutu of Rwanda, without forgetting the Twa, from North to South and from East to West of Rwanda, all have been victims of a single and common tragedy, which from they should be considered as survivors, as long as the words ''justice'' and ''honesty'' still have a meaning. It is thus on this base that Article 14 of the Rwandan Constitution justifies "a Rwandan genocide" committed from October the 1st, 1990, to December 31, 1994. Regardless of the executor, the planning of this drama is essentially the work of well known personalities, in this case, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and Paul Kagame of Rwanda.

In the preparation of minds, the purpose they tried to reach determines both ways and means, that is, the strategies that any actor, group or individual, implements implicitly or explicitly, on short, medium and long term. The goal pursued by them in the course of their aggression against Rwanda and during the war, so called "regional liberation" war they still continue in the DRC, therefore justifies the huge means implemented by them, in order to achieve its objectives, including the ultimate erection of a great Nilotic African Empire, including, if necessary, the  requirement of an extermination of Hutu and other groups known as opposed to their plan in Rwanda, Congo, Burundi, Tanzania and Kenya. This is no justify the Hutu extremists who methodically and almost joyfully, exterminated Tutsis and moderate Hutu, between April and July 1994.

Nevertheless, it seems necessary and legitimate to clarify the true impact of political, tactical and strategic choices by Kagame / RPF and his sponsors, on both the outbreak of genocide, and on fulfilment. The killing of intra muros Tutsis was premeditated and designed both to justify the choice of a military solution, and to hide the inevitable rejection of a negotiated political solution and peace treaty.
For Kagame and his supporters, the social revolution of 1959, which abolished the monarchy and establish the Republic, coincided with the genocide of Tutsis. It is within this context that one could explain the hatred deemed "secular" between the Hutu and Tutsi, hatred constantly fed, fuelled and exploited by politicians especially down arguments. By triggering the war, did Kagame and his
family (Umuryango) also hear they take revenge against the Hutu who were supposed to have condemned them to exile? Did they also take revenge against the Tutsi who have always been called "traitors", specifically by Kagame and some of his top aides, and accused of complicity with the Hutu regime that they had not fled?

If it is legitimate to doubt about the intention of Kagame to "liberate" the Tutsi living inside Rwanda, it is however clear that it has been easy for Kagame to present himself as a savior, by cleverly putting them on the scene in the context of rather complex political and ethnic rivalries. We are dealing here with a particularly cynical political and military strategy. It is probably difficult to admit that, but both the Tutsi and the Hutu living inside Rwanda have been handled successfully by the RPF. I must specify that the RPF initially manipulated the bulk of Tutsi refugees, whose thirty years of exile had considerably reduced the leeway.

The impetus for the extermination of Tutsis had as main function to conceal and justify the extermination of Hutu, originally intended and planned in Uganda by Museveni and Kagame, the two main chief executives for the armed invasion of Rwanda. Moreover, it is at this level that the Constitution of Rwanda demonstrates relevance when it states in clear and precise words that the Rwandan genocide lasted from 1/10/1990 to 31/12/1994. It remains to verify whether the RPF is prepared to go through with this logic it might not have realized all the implications. It still remains that, with only one stone, Museveni and Kagame made two shots. By encouraging radical Hutus to eliminate all Tutsi and Hutu opponents who could hinder their plans, and by forcing them to exterminate the Tutsis defined as an ethnic community, the duo Museveni-Kagame were sure to have a good excuse to kill the Hutus with impunity and without that any indignation arouses on the part of an international community fully entangled in its own contradictions.
This incitement of RPF to the extermination of Tutsis and opposition parties’ “moderate” Hutus is not only a fraud to ensure its impunity from the mass crimes perpetrated against the Hutus, but it has also been a way to circumvent any peace treaty, ant to root out all opposition, Tutsi as well as Hutu. So it was an effective way to nip in the bud any hope of democratization in Rwanda. Democratization was deemed dangerous by the RPF and its allies, who saw it as a serious obstacle to the continuation of the war in Congo - Kinshasa. It is therefore understandable that the incitement to the extermination of Tutsis by Hutus has not been devoid of any ulterior motive.
In any case, the strategy of “useful sacrifice” has worked wonderfully. It formed the subject of many discussions over numerous propaganda meetings, as indicated by documents in our possession: "
The war is tactical. We must realize the importance of propaganda". The deliberateness of the strategy of tension, favoured by the head of the RPF, is no doubt if we refer to the document, BIG TACTIC REF-/560/JL/09, providing some details about the tactics adopted by Kagame and RPF8.

Following the unexpected stagnation of the war, the systematic extermination of the Hutus will be preceded by extermination of the Tutsis and the Hutus, so called from the moderate opposition. This allowed the RPF to justify its own massive crimes mainly against the Hutus, generally identified as being responsible for the extermination of the Tutsis from inside Rwanda. In order to take care over its image, the RPF then proclaimed himself as the "savior" and the "liberator" of the latter. The genocide, in all its dimensions, by means of expression, gave to the RPF the opportunity to afford power without sharing it, which would have been inconceivable in the case of application of the Arusha peace accords.

The planners of the RPF were also self-aware about that: “The only option we have is to continue our fight. We need to disrupt the elections through the escalation of the conflict. We have no chance to win democratically in Rwanda”. For the RPF, in fact, it, any actual or potential opposition, coming from Tutsis as well as from Hutus, had to be destroyed. Whatever may be the victims, what was essential for RPF, was to totally seize the power.

In the light of informations now available, it would not be exagerated to suspect the strategists of the RPF of having deliberately sacrificed the Tutsis of Rwanda, in order to exterminate the Hutus, and to root out any real and / or potential opposition to its projects, one of which was to pursue the war of liberation in the former Zaire.
Knowing full well that the collapse of public order in Rwanda was among the effects expected by the RPF rebels, and that, since 1989, Museveni and Kagame subordinated attack of Rwanda to the preliminary assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana and to the breakdown of Franco-Rwandan military agreements, we better understand the strategy of tension which has supported Paul Kagame in order to lead, to nurture and to strengthen the fratricidal mass hysteria, that has occurred in Rwanda, particularly during the months of April to July 1994

The war, initiated in former Zaire by Museveni, Kagame and their allies, is a long premeditated and carefully planned conflict, which received crucial support from the Anglo-Saxons, and particularly from the United States, whose army has mounted several special operations throughout the period 1996 -1997 in the region of the Central African Great Lakes.

But ultimately, the invasion of Zaire by Kigali and Kampala was not motivated by the escape of Hutus and their presence on Zairian territory. It had been scheduled long before the invasion of Rwanda.

Rwandan Hutu refugees were, indeed, both a false pretext and an opportunity to pursue a genocide against their community with impunity, while presenting the genocide, sometimes as a kind of revenge, sometimes as a war waged by Rwanda against former Zaire, as indicated in the next document: “Zaïre push-on: Rwanda size toosmall if all Nationals are to be fitted. Rwandese in Zaire are too unsafe although their cause to bediscussed after seizure of main land. Eastern Zaire needs total liberation. There is no resettlementneeded other than direct help. Scheduled meet: Texas state University: Mwalimu J.K. Nyerere,Rwandese officers outside Rwanda, Ugandan Representatives, US Council Members. Discussionahead” […]10.

      1. The judicial criminal files

The facts are undeniable. In addition to evidences which have just been exposed, several evidences have been established by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, International Crisis Group, etc... Serious indications of guilt place Kagame among the greatest criminals of the past three decades. Numerous criminal cases are waiting for him before the courts and tribunals. Paul Kagame is now just a great criminal who tries to swim against the current in order to try to grab some time before facing judiciary warrants. However, taking in account the severity of crimes against humanity and war crimes which constitute charges against him, his delaying tactics must stop, so that he faces trial for those criminal cases that are fragrant charges against him, especially:

  • The case against Paul Kagame et al.: Warrant of Arrest of the First Vice President of the “Tribunal de Grande Instance de Paris”.

After more than six years of well-researched investigations, French judge Jean-Louis Bruguière succeeded in reaching serious indications of guilt of Paul Kagame. Indisputable facts identify Kagame et al. as responsible for the terrorist attack against the plane of President Juvenal Habyarimana. The irrefutable facts expose the planning, execution, and the catastrophic consequences of this heinous attack with horrible consequences, and conclude on the pursuit of Paul Kagame in front of the Courts. So, for the order of Judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere - as it also goes over other files to his charge -, Paul Kagame is already facing the international warrants of arrest, in order to be brought in front of courts and tribunals. So:

    • […]. Whereas it is clear from all investigations having been conducted to date in connection with the investigation about the attack, and in particular the testimony of soldiers and officers of the RPA / RPF, that the attack on April 6 1994 against the President Habyarimana's Falcon 50 is part of an overall plan hatched by Kagame and his allies to seize power by violence, power he could not win by legal means in respect of institutional mechanisms established by the Arusha Accords;

    • That the decision to attempt the life of President Habyarimana by means of a spectacular attack, that would necessarily provoke the extreme wing of the Hutu ethnic group, was taken at meetings held at least late 1993 and early 1994, particularly at the Head Quarters of the High Command of the RPA in Mulindi, as always, under the leadership of Paul Kagame; […];

    • That the final order to shoot down the presidential plane has been given by Paul Kagame himself during a meeting held in Mulindi, March 31, 1994, planning and operational phase having been assigned to Lieutenant Colonel James Kabarebe who had also been responsible for building up a team specialized in the use of ground-air missiles supplied by Museveni ; […] ;

    • That, it is also induced from relevant facts of the enquiry, that General Paul Kagame had deliberately opted for a modus operandi that, in reaction, in the particularly tense context prevailing in both Rwanda and Burundi between the Hutu and Tutsi communities, could only result in bloody reprisals against the Tutsi community, which would offer to him the legitimate motive for resuming hostilities and seizing the power, with the support of the international community;

    • That, although his army was militarily superior to that of the FAR, the refusal of the RPF to accept the cease-fire, while the massacres were taking place, and to authorize the presence of international forces on Rwandan territory in order to help restoring order and to stop the genocide, has shown that the only purpose pursued by its leaders was to obtain a total victory and that, at the cost of massacre of so-called intra muros Tutsis, considered by Paul Kagame as collaborators of the Habyarimana regime;

    • That while this criminal strategy has been noticed and criticized by outside observers, the RPF continued to lead it to term;

    • Whereas Paul Kagame et al., who participated in the design, planning and execution of the attack under the conditions repeatedly specified here above, are inevitably likely to be prosecuted with charges of murders, complicity to commit murder in connection with terrorist and criminal conspiracy, in preparation for acts of terrorism;

    • That he must be prosecuted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and other competent judicial bodies11.

  • The record of the Spanish justice against Paul Kagame et al.

In the folder “Sumario 3 / 2.008 -- D” of the “Juzgado Central de Instrucción N°4 Audiencia Nacional”, issued in Madrid, on February 6, 2008, Judge Don Fernando Andreu Merelles, sets the indisputable crime of Paul Kagame et al., with authentic evidence to support12.

Judge Andreu Merelles notes, in charge of Kagame, the obvious facts that constitute serious indications of guilt for crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and crimes of terrorism13. Starting from the late 1980s, he presents a damning picture of the facts that show evidence of the horrible actions of Kagame in Rwanda and the whole  Great Lakes Central African region, between 1985 and 2008.

He methodically dissects these actions. He shows all the dimensions of the design, planning and execution of these criminal actions. He concluded on the evidence that Kagame is the epicentre of the full extent of these criminal actions.

  • It is undeniable that Kagame is the great designer, the great planner and the chief of both politically and militarily execution of the plans of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and terrorism of the RPA / RPF, in Rwanda and throughout the AGLR [African Great Lakes Region]14.

  • He himself gave the order to exterminate the population of ethnic Hutus in Rwanda and elsewhere in the AGLR. He himself ordered to assassinate the bishops, priests, ecclesiastics, in Rwesero, in Kabgayi, in Ruhengeri, in Nyangezi, in Goma, in Bukavu, etc… He ordered to assassinate prominent Rwandan politicians - Emmanuel Gapysi, Félicien Gatabazi, Martin Bucyana, Fidèle Rwambuka, etc… -, and others from AGLR. President Ndadaye, President Laurent Desire Kabila, etc… He himself has given strict orders for the assassination of expatriates from Spain, Canada, Croatia, France, Belgium, etc…: priests, ecclesiastics, members of international organizations, of state cooperation’s organizations, NGOs and several other types of associations.

  • In addition to have participated in a decisive way in the meetings for design, and strategic and operational planning, Paul Kagame himself has given strict orders to shoot down Habyarimana's plane, to bring the highest and the most horrible geopolitical entropy, in order to, through criminal diversions, legitimize his seizure of power in Rwanda and a boil up of the AGLR, that would be difficult to cool up15.

For all these facts, so atrocious and so convincing, Judge Andreu Merelles issued international warrants of arrest against Paul Kagame – starting with him, through the ICTR – et al. These great international criminals are wanted for crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and global terrorism. Thus they need to be arrested in order to face the competent judicial authorities for their crimes16.

  • Lawsuit against Paul Kagame, et al., case 5: 10-CV-00437-W, filed 04/30/2010; United States District Court for the Western District of Oklahoma.

Even if the "Complaint with Jury demand: wrongful death and murder; crime against humanity; violation of rights of life, liberty, and security, assault and battery; organisation act; torture; and continuing conspiracy in furtherance thereof" is a civil action, there is nothing preventing its penal nature. Indeed, it is based on hard facts and solid evidence of guilt which, in turn, is a matter for penal17.

The complaint against Paul Kagame et al., "Summons in Civil Action, Case 5:10-cv-00437-W Document 2, filed in the United States District Court for Western District of Oklahoma April 30, 2010" contains evidence facts and serious indications of guilt, involving Kagame et al. in crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and international terrorism18.

The complaint shows, more specifically, how Kagame et al. are involved in the design, the planning and the execution of the terrorist criminal act of attack against the plane of President Habyarimana, act having triggered the genocide of Tutsis, in particular, and, in general, the cataclysm that has already cost more than 8 million lives in AGLR and bloodshed that continues to this region19.

Notwithstanding the convincing facts and solid evidence of guilt that lay the terrible criminality of Paul Kagame et al., that must be relentlessly pursued in courts and tribunals, the complaint concludes on the horrific damages caused by Paul Kagame et al. against the complainants, requesting reparation of at least 350 million U.S. dollars.

This means, ultimately, that Paul Kagame et al. should be arrested without delay, to be brought before the United States District Court for the Western District of Oklahoma.


For Paul Kagame, the practice of attributing the criminal acts he commits to political adversaries / opponents has become commonplace. The assassination of Rwigema, Bayingana, Bunyenyezi, Birasa has been attributed to the ex-FAR; those of Gapysi, Gatabazi, Bucyana, Juvenal Habyarimana; that of J. Habyarimana and Ntaryamira to Bagosora; that of the Bwindi forest to the FDLR; that of bishops, priests, ecclesiastics depressed revenge searching soldiers of the RPA / RPF.

But to whom does he attribute the murders of young French speaking Tutsi soldiers and Hutus in Nakivale, that of Maj. Muvunanyambo, President Ndadaye, Kabera Asiel, Mrs. Kagaju, Colonel Ngoga, Lt Col Rutayisire, S. Sendashonga, Col Lizinde, President Laurent Desire Kabila, Lt Col Cyiza, MP Hitimana, SM Musayidizi? To who will he ultimately attribute the murder of expatriates - priests, ecclesiastics, humanitary workers, members of NGOs...?

Through large political lies and / or State lies, Kagame has always succeeded to divert both local and international public opinion, through media networks and lobbies that are well specialized in this kind of despicable actions, and through the diplomatic support of certain great powers and multinationals, which search, in particular, natural resources abounding in the AGLR, and the consolidation of their areas of interest and / or influence.

Meanwhile, will that support exist forever, especially in the light of the new dynamics of international geopolitics? It seems that nothing is certain about that. Things are moving, and the deadly strategy of Kagame faces the walls, each day closer. But his tactics continues, of course, with the uncertainty of tomorrow.

      1. The case of Bwindi forest massacresand the Criminal action No. 02-025 (EST), François Karake, et al., United States District Court for the District of Columbia 

The case of the Bwindi forest terrorist massacres is revealing. Why, when the world mourn the murder of innocent tourists, Kagame tortures wrongfully his own nationals - Francois Karake, Gregory Nyaminani, Leonidas Bimenyimana – in order to extort their signatures for extraditing them illegally to the U.S.A.? Why does Paul Kagame have decided to violate the Constitution and the Laws of the Republic of Rwanda by illegally extraditing his own nationals20 ?

But why, on one hand, did he plan and run this macabre plan to kill innocent tourists and why, secondly, did he try to excessively charge the FDLR? Of course, as ever, the answer is the same: the abhorrent policy of sacrificing innocents for monstrous political goals - by means of demonizing and criminalizing opponents, in order to hold the power.

The strategy of power by means of terrorist heinous crimes and by political and / or State’s lies, such is the frightening political instrument of Paul Kagame. No wonder, because this has been, during millennia, the political tool of tyrants all around the world.

By cons, do the U.S. investigation bodies, so famous worldwide, not object to a so ugly act? It seems to be difficult to understand. Anyway, thanks God, Ellen Segal Huvelle, United States District Judge, then president of the Court, and the Court, began ruling in accordance with U.S. law by absolving the unfortunate guilty defendants, after having reviewed the record and listened to witnesses21.

Yet a huge problem persists: should Paul Kagame remain an eternal criminal burden in Rwanda, in AGLR, and elsewhere in the world? Probably not. But the more time passes, the more damage will become insurmountable. Thus, it is appropriate to put him out of harm's way before it becomes too late?

      1. The trial on the assassination of bishops et al. in Gakurazo

This massacre of ecclesiastics took place in Gakurazo - the refectory of Josephite Brothers - June 5, 1994, around 07:00 p.m. to 07:20 p.m. Among the clergy were killed the archbishop of Kigali, Vincent NSENGIYUMVA, the Bishop of Byumba, Joseph RUZINDANA, and Bishop of Kabgayi, Thaddeus NSENGIYUMVA, then President of the Conference of Catholic Bishops of Rwanda.

Were also killed with the bishops in Gakurazo 9 priests and the Superior General of the Josephites Brothers, Jean Baptiste NSINGA. The murdered priests were all from the diocese of Kabgayi, excepted for Abbot Denis MUTABAZI, from the Nyundo Diocese. It goes over Monsignor Jean-Marie Vianney RWABALINDA, vicar general, Monsignor Innocent GASABWOYA, former vicar general; Abbots Emmanuel UWIMANA, the rector of the Minor Seminary, Sylvestre NDABERETSE, General Treasurer, Bernard NTAMUGABUMWE, prefectural representative of Catholic Education, François-Xavier MULIGO, rector of the cathedral, with its vicars Alfred KAYIBANDA and Fidèle GAHONZIRE (the latter being at the same time chaplain at the hospital). So almost all the staff of the diocese of Kabgayi has been decapitated22.

All investigations, very authentic, conclude with the obvious: the assassination of ecclesiastics in Gakurazo, on June 5, 1994, was ordered by Kagame himself and executed by General Fred Ibingira who commanded the operations in the region of Gakurazo and elsewhere in Central and Southern Rwanda23. The trial which took place was a cynical charade only, and a horrible lie from the State. Kagame will eventually respond for this heinous murder and for the political lies, as it should be done for other crimes he has been charged for.



In Rwanda, Paul Kagame has made sure that Democracy gives way to a totalitarian and irremovable power. Nepotism, favouritism, discrimination, contempt, injustice and impoverishment of most of the population have settled in the country. Some basic principles of art. 9 of the Constitution, like this about the State of right, equality of opportunity for all citizens and constructive dialogue, can not be met. Instead of dialoguing with political opponents, he scoffs them publicly, rather demonizing them while seeking to exterminate them.

The country is more than dependent on external aid. Foreign Countries and International Financial Institutions fund annually the consolidated budgets of Rwanda at a level of about 50%, excluding the contributions of specialized bodies and institutions supported by these countries. The trade balance is still short of Rwanda.

It is inconceivable that in an economic situation of chronic deficit like this, the Ministers of Paul Kagame dare to argue that economic growth figures in Rwanda in general, are between 7 and 8%, that they are the most effective in the region and in the world, and that its economic health is sometimes much better than Japan, the United States or European Union countries! Knowledgeable persons say it is faked figures for propaganda, supported by some foreign media.

With regard to privatization, the Government has never been able to justify what for he has used the proceeds from sales, how illegal, of state societies, the shares sold in joint ventures and huge sums unduly collected by the illegal sale of large plantations of tea, pyrethrum, sugar cane - and the factories and related wood – belonging to private cooperatives of citizens. Some employees of privatized companies, who have not been selected, have yet not even received the indemnities the laws give to them.


The almost arbitrary detentions of prominent politicians or businessmen as Ntakirutinka, Kalisa, etc.., the kidnapping and unlawful imprisonment of Mushayidi Déo, the Machiavellian plan to imprison Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, attempts at division, intimidation and destabilization of PS-Party IMBERAKURI of Mr. Bernard Ntaganda, or other political parties, hushing up and attempts to destabilize the Green Party, excessive persecution of journalists, mass arrest of innocent citizens under false reasons of Security, and now the pathetic strategy of arbitrary arrest of defence lawyers bode apocalyptic aftermath of Rwanda.


Paul Kagame has established concentration camps, first in Nasho, and today on the island Wawa, where he, on a smuggled manner, directs minors and young people, mainly Hutus hunted down in towns and trading centres within the country, and this for dark reasons. Presumably, as always in his plan to massacre the population, it is likely that he wants, or to send them to the frontline, and then to use them as human shields in wars that he never ceases to project, or to eliminate them by its evil processes.


We note below a few cases, among many others, but which, we believe, can’t tolerate any challenge:

Although largely crafted in 2003 by Paul Kagame – according to its size at its discretion - the Constitution of Rwanda continues to be manipulated. On the eve of 2008 parliamentary elections, the review included 33 articles, and the revision provided for the 2010 presidential elections brought 58 items, according to the Minister of Justice. So during the course of his first term of 7 years, at least 91 articles of the constitution have been amended and / or changed without a referendum. Is this is an outright confiscation of the rights of the people in favour of a hated dictatorship that should be put out of harm's way?

Also, by prohibiting the use of French in public administration and schools, Paul Kagame has clearly violated Article 5 of the Constitution which enshrines the language as one of three official languages of Rwanda.

Article 25 of the Constitution stipulates that no Rwandan can be extradited. However, in 2003, in violation of this provision of the Constitution, Paul Kagame illegally extradited, as already mentioned, three Rwandan citizens to the U.S.A., after having forced them to sign pre-established minutes, confessing under torture crimes that they never committed.

Paul Kagame does not respect Independence, or sovereignty of the country. Parts of Rwandan territory have been illegally and improperly sold - for strong obscure reasons – to foreign powers and private multinational corporations, without the knowledge and consent of the people.

The Presidency of the Republic has now two heads and the country is plunged into a new form of colonization of a mercenary-like State. As in former Rhodesia, the British Resident Governor Tony Blair plays the role of Ian Smith. The Republican Army is no longer serving the people. Deeply divided and poorly managed it is now obliged to serve a tyrant who does not hesitate to kill and imprison at will, or to treat even the highest officers of the armed forces as excrements.

That said, the geopolitics of Paul Kagame and Tony Blair in Rwanda, the AGLR and elsewhere in Africa risk to threaten British interests more than did that of Ian Smith in Zimbabwe!

In his numerous public speeches in the country, Paul Kagame has always shown arrogance and total disregard of respect for laws, institutions, rights and freedoms of the human person in general, but especially the Rwandan citizen in particular. In any event, is it not against the law?

For years, Paul Kagame benefited of the Head of State immunity, to avoid multiple lawsuits relating to records already set up at charge against him, and to delay the consideration of thousands of popular complaints - related to systematic killings that he sponsored - which he has always opposed a total rejection and a denial of justice. In fact, Paul Kagame became an outlaw of universal laws.


It is undeniable that Paul Kagame has at his charge criminal evidence files that are already concluded, and / or complaints of crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity, that have been established by the people it keeps pushing through presidential immunity. He has already earned a national, regional and international reputation in the horrible area of the crimes of state lies. He became one of the great universal outlaws: he doesn’t respect neither the Constitution he changes according to his will, nor the Independence and sovereignty of the country, nor the people's voice, or the repeated calls to respect the principles of the rule of Law.

In the best interest of our country and universal justice, we ask Chrysologue Karangwa, president of the National Electoral Commission to demonstrate its impartiality by taking into account strict legal restrictions affecting the candidacy of Paul Kagame during the review candidates’ applications for the 2010 presidential elections.

The National Electoral Commission should require that the candidate Paul Kagame presents certificates of no legal proceedings issued by judicial bodies of the countries mentioned and the highest international judicial bodies. If this has not been done in 2003, because court records were not mentioned yet formalized. Today, all victims Rwandans and foreigners, and the international community are waiting for justice to be rendered against acts of criminal Paul Kagame.

If the National Electoral Commission also bypassed, to accept the nomination of Paul Kagame, it would be later difficult to trust the other stages of the electoral process that will follow. We also believe that the immunity granted under Presidential election on the basis of an application that radically transgresses the laws of the Republic and the international laws, could be held in consideration by the empowered courts.

For all these reasons and many others still to be argued, the Partnership-Intwari-Imanzi considers that Paul Kagame did not meet the eligibility conditions for presidential candidacy in 2010, and feels challenged to oppose, by all the fact and law means, that presidential immunity is not being used improperly to cover impunity in Rwanda and elsewhere in the world.

Written in Sion on June the 1st, 2010

General Emmanuel Habyarimana

President of Partenariat-Intwari-Imanzi

COPY: His Excellence Paul Kagame, past President of the Republic of Rwanda

            Mister the Ambassadors of the accredited countries in Kigali

            The Human Rights Organizations

            The Civil Society within the Diaspora

            The political parties.

1 Alphonse Furuma, The need to investigate Paul Kagame and his collaborators for War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity committed since 1991, No 005/SFA/124, Manchester, December 24, 2004.

2 Partenariat-Intwari-Imanzi, Plaidoyer pour une enquête globale, objective et impartiale sur le génocide rwandais et ses conséquences : Résultats d’investigations menées par la Cellule de la Documentation et de Sécurité du Partenariat-Intwari-Imazi, Mémorandum adressé au Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies par le général Emmanuel Habyarimana, 21 février 2008.

3 Partenariat-Intwari-Imanzi, Plaidoyer pour une enquête globale, objective et impartiale sur le génocide rwandais et ses conséquences : Résultats d'investigations menées par la Cellule de la Documentation & Sécurité du Partenariat-Intwari-Imanzi, Mémorandum adressé au Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies, pp.19-20, février 2008.

4 Ibid., pp. 32-34.

5 Ibid., pp. 34-35.

6 Ibid.

7 Ibid., p. 39.

8 Ibid., pp.40-45.

9 Ibid., pp. 49-50.

10 Ibid., pp. 55-83.

11 Le Premier Vice-Président Jean-Louis Bruguière, Délivrance de mandat d’arrêts internationaux : Ordonnance de Soit-Communiqué, Parquet : 97.295.2303/0, Cabinet : 1341, Paris, Tribunal de Grande Instance, 17 novembre 2006.

12 Hon. Mr. Fernando Andreu Merelles, Judge of the Fourth Central Examining Court of the National Court, sitting in Madrid,  Order of indictment, Case under reference : Sumario 3/2008—D, Juzgado Central de Instrucción No. 4, Madrid, the sixth of February 2008, pp. 150-185.

13 Bid., pp.2-150.

14 Ibid., pp.2-139.

15 Ibid.

16 Ibid., pp. 184-185.

17 John P. Zelbst, Lawsuit against Paul Kagame, et al., Case 5 : 10-CV-00437-W, filed 04/30/2010; United States District Court for the Western District of Oklahoma, p. 1.

18 Ibid., pp2-12.

19 Ibid.

20 Ellen Segal Huvelle, United States District Judge, Criminal Action No. 02-0256(ESH), François Karake, et al., Defendants, United States District Court for the District of Columbia, Case 1:02-cr-00256-ESH Document 325,  Filed 08/17/2006, pp. 1-148.

21 Ibid., pp. 149-150.

22 Vénuste Linguyeneza, Témoignage, Waterloo, 2 décembre 1999, mis en ligne le 25 décembre 2008 sur

23 Ibid.